RUTHFULLY YOURS

The shocking raid on the office, home, and Manhattan hotel room of President Trump’s longtime personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, directed by a rogue independent prosecutor is the latest outrage in an out-of-control investigation aimed at reversing the results of the 2016 election.

The raid Monday that was directed by Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III was a “disgrace” and a “pure and simple witch hunt,” President Trump told reporters at the White House.

“It’s an attack on our country in a true sense. It’s an attack on what we all stand for.”

Trump’s comments fueled speculation that he will try to fire Mueller, something the president had been avoiding talking about publicly. Some lawmakers say terminating Mueller could lead to a constitutional crisis.

“We’ll see what happens. … Many people have said ‘you should fire him,’ ” Trump said when asked if he would give Mueller the boot. “Again, they found nothing and in finding nothing, that’s a big statement.”

Former U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder has threatened violent unrest if Trump fires Mueller. On Dec. 17 the nearly impeached Obama cabinet official tweeted:

“ABSOLUTE RED LINE: the firing of Bob Mueller or crippling the special counsel’s office. If removed or meaningfully tampered with, there must be mass, popular, peaceful support of both. The American people must be seen and heard – they will ultimately be determinative.”

When radicals like Holder say they want peaceful protests, they are lying. A nonviolent leftist demonstration is almost a contradiction in terms. Holder doesn’t care if people get killed as long as his preferred political objective is achieved. He’s absolutely fine with riots and arson, as long as they are carried out for the right reasons.

The Manhattan law office of Michael Cohen, President Donald Trump’s personal attorney, made for an unusual target for federal agents, who raided it Monday morning.

Typically, federal agents need special permission to comb the files of an attorney, whose client communications are generally protected from disclosure, legal experts said. To obtain a federal warrant, Justice Department officials need a special finding that an attorney’s office contains crucial evidence, said Christopher Slobogin, a criminal-procedure expert at Vanderbilt Law School.

It is unclear if agents targeted client files or were searching for business records falling outside the scope of attorney-client privilege, though the lines separating them aren’t always clear. Steve Ryan, a lawyer for Mr. Cohen, said Monday that the search had resulted in the “seizure of protected attorney-client communications between a lawyer and his clients.”

When searching the offices of an attorney who is a subject of an investigation, “prosecutors are expected to take the least intrusive approach,” according to the U.S. Attorneys’ Manual, which instructs prosecutors to consider a subpoena before resorting to a search warrant.

The raid carries risks for the Justice Department, as well. The attorney-client privilege generally shields interactions between lawyers and clients from being deployed as evidence against a defendant. If government lawyers use privileged communications to build their case, a court could deem their entire prosecution tainted.

To guard against that, the Justice Department uses what are known as “taint teams,” groups of government attorneys who are segregated from Federal Bureau of Investigation agents and prosecutors involved in the investigation, said Daniel Goldman, a former assistant U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York. Taint teams are charged with sifting through seized files and determining what prosecutors can use.

Courts have approved the use of taint teams, but criminal defense lawyers have long criticized the practice as an example of the fox guarding the chicken coop. In rare cases, a judge could appoint an independent special master to review the files or examine seized documents him or herself.

Attorney-client privilege is intended to allow lawyers to give robust legal advice without worrying about incriminating a client. But attorney-client information may not be protected if the communications were in service of an illegal act, under the “crime-fraud exception” to the privilege. CONTINUE AT SITE

Gov. Andrew Cuomo has a disturbing new way to raise revenue: using government muscle to squeeze private organizations into “voluntarily” writing billion-dollar checks. That’s what he did to Fidelis Care, a nonprofit health plan affiliated with the Catholic Church, and its would-be buyer, Centene Corp.

In a murky deal announced on Good Friday, Fidelis and Centene agreed to pay the state $2 billion over four years. The payments are not technically required by law. But Fidelis and Centene agreed to them after a three-month pressure campaign by Mr. Cuomo, including overt and implied threats to seize the funds, block the sale or both.

Fidelis would seem an odd target for a gubernatorial money grab. Founded in 1993, it specializes in health coverage for the poor. With 1.6 million members, it is the largest purveyor of state-sponsored programs such as Medicaid managed care, Child Health Plus and the Essential Plan, as well as Medicare Advantage and commercial ObamaCare coverage. It has played a big role in reducing the state’s uninsured rate, and it has not been publicly accused of wrongdoing.

What sparked Mr. Cuomo’s campaign was Fidelis’s pending sale to Centene, announced in September, for a price of $3.75 billion. The bishops planned to put the money into a charitable foundation in support of health care for the needy. Mr. Cuomo argued that the state was entitled to $3 billion of the proceeds because Fidelis earned most of its revenue from state programs. By that logic, the state could skim the savings accounts of public employees when they retire.

He also cited the precedent of Empire Blue Cross Blue Shield, which yielded billions to the state when it converted to for-profit status in the mid-2000s. But that was a unique transaction under a narrowly tailored law that applies to no other company.

Despite lacking a legal claim to the money, Mr. Cuomo pursued it aggressively. Bills he submitted to the Legislature would not only have seized 80% of the proceeds from the sale but also raided Fidelis’s reserve accounts if the deal were canceled. The bishops would have paid either way. The sale needed regulatory approval from two state agencies, the departments of Health and of Financial Services, leaving it vulnerable to delay or rejection by Mr. Cuomo’s appointees. CONTINUE AT SITE

Washington is full of blather, bombast and bullsh-t, but a line about Robert Mueller was the most important thing spoken or written there last week:

“Peter Carr, a spokesman for the special counsel’s office, declined to comment.”

Since Mueller’s office never says anything outside court publicly, who knew he had a spokesman or needed one?

The line was included in a Washington Post story that said Mueller told the White House that President Trump was not a target of the criminal investigation.

The story could be a big deal — if true. But the report is nonetheless remarkable because it was the first leak in memory that carried good news for Trump.

After breathless drip, drip, drip reports that had the president practically being frog-marched to a firing squad at dawn, the fever broke. Every dog has its day, and the Washington media decided this president’s day comes once every 15 months.

True to form, news outlets immediately pivoted back to their regularly scheduled programming of stories saying Trump is in imminent danger. The New York Times and ABC declared that George Nader, a Lebanese-American businessman, though a stranger to readers, is now Mueller’s hottest witness.

Enough.

The violent swings of the leaky pendulum make this an excellent moment to call timeout on the Mueller probe. What does he have, where is he going and when is he going to get there?