Liberal democracy — grounded in the “inalienable” rights all human beings share — protects, and is protected by, free speech. Good laws alone, though, cannot keep speech free. Also necessary is a public culture that promotes an accurate understanding of free speech and fosters the virtues that undergird it. The breakdown in the United States of that public culture — particularly among the nation’s progressive elites — is of pressing concern.

The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution provides that “Congress shall make no law… abridging the freedom of speech.” The Supreme Court interprets this provision to require a broad though not absolute prohibition on government regulation of expression. Even among liberal democracies, Americans enjoy an unusually extended sphere in which they can speak their minds. Expression is subject to a few specified legal limitations: these include incitement to imminent lawless action, true threats, classified information, and slander and libel. This, however, leaves abundant room in which citizens can readily encounter unorthodox, dissenting, and, yes, deeply disagreeable opinions.

While government always poses a major threat to free speech, it never represents the sole danger. Today, apprehensions about Big Tech regulation – subtle and surreptitious as well as brazen and heavy-handed — of social network and consumer platforms command center stage. Meanwhile, old nemeses of free speech — inherited authority, social pressure, and public opinion — show little sign of abating.

Because of the new and old threats, practicing free speech requires — as always — moral virtue: courage to present one’s views accurately and subject them to public scrutiny, patience to consider alternative arguments, self-control to tolerate fellow citizens’ seemingly wrong-headed and ill-conceived notions. Free speech also needs intellectual virtue. To benefit from the give-and-take that energizes a free society, we must examine our ideas’ vulnerabilities. That difficult process depends on restating accurately, interpreting reasonably, and looking for the kernel — or more — of truth in opinions and positions that we are inclined to oppose.

In “The Campaign to Cancel Wokeness,” New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg attempts to defend free speech by exposing conservative hypocrisy. Because of the propensity to protect one’s own speech while curtailing that of the other camp, Goldberg could have performed a service by holding conservatives to a standard they profess. She missed the opportunity, as do many progressives, by conflating criticism and cancellation.

Principled defenses of liberty of thought and discussion from the left would be particularly welcome in the New York Times. Alas, the venerable institution has proved a fair-weather friend of free speech. Last spring, for example, many staff members revolted and management forced out Opinion Editor James Bennet because the newspaper published an op-ed by Sen. Tom Cotton arguing — consistent with the views of about half of Americans — that the president should use his authority to direct the military to respond to violent rioting in American cities. Only last month, the Times demanded the departure of science and health reporter Donald McNeil after more than 40 years at the newspaper. His principal offense? In the process of answering a student’s question about a notorious racial slur, McNeil uttered it himself.

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