RUTHFULLY YOURS

Prime Ministers Boris Johnson of Britain and Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel are the two world leaders who have been most successful at strengthening their positions amid the pandemic. This isn’t because they have both succeeded in stopping the spread of the disease. While Israel has, so far, contained the disease with fewer than 300 fatalities at press time, Britain trails only Italy among European countries in number of lives lost to Covid-19. Many more deaths are likely to come. Messrs. Johnson and Netanyahu are succeeding because the pandemic drives home their core messages.

National leaders acquire and hold power in part by offering a “theory of the case”—a vision of what their country needs and why a particular leader and particular program are the solution. In 2016 Donald Trump’s theory of the case was that a broken and corrupt establishment was driving the country into the ground. In 2020 former Vice President Joe Biden’s theory of the case is that America needs a president who will bring “normal” back.

President Trump was preparing to run on “the strongest economy in world history.” The pandemic crushed that argument, and although his base continues to support him, Mr. Trump is struggling to reinvent his re-election campaign. President Vladimir Putin’s core message for 2020 was that a stable and respected Russia was becoming more secure economically. A referendum scheduled for this month would have sealed his grip on power. But thanks to the pandemic and the resulting oil price implosion, the referendum has been postponed, and Mr. Putin must find a new message.

For Bibi and Boris, the pandemic reinforced the arguments they have been making to the public. In Mr. Netanyahu’s case, his response to the pandemic enabled him to split the opposition, postpone his trial on corruption charges, and continue his reign as Israel’s longest-serving and most effective prime minister since David Ben-Gurion. His core message is that in a dangerous world Israel needs a decisive prime minister and government with a real majority, and that the opposition, whose fissures are becoming deeper, is incapable of providing it. Mr. Netanyahu must survive a ruling by Israel’s Supreme Court about whether a person under indictment can serve as prime minister, but the strength of his new Knesset majority shifts the odds in his favor.

In Mr. Johnson’s case, the pandemic has, in the minds of many Britons, demonstrated the power of the ideas he ran on last year in the general election. The first was that the shambolic chaos of a House of Commons without a majority was untenable. With the greatest challenge since World War II breaking over their heads, most Britons prefer to leave their health and livelihoods in the hands of a Parliament that can actually govern.

Mr. Johnson’s second argument looks equally valid from the perspective of Covid-19: Jeremy Corbyn, the former Labour Party leader, was unthinkable as prime minister. There are likely very few people in Britain now who wish Mr. Corbyn had won the 2016 election or forced a coalition government on the country. Much of the U.K. is glad Mr. Johnson called the December 2019 election, and glad he won decisively.

Beyond that, Britons are witnessing some of the positives of Mr. Johnson getting them out of the European Union. As the British read headlines about trillion-euro bailouts for countries like Italy and Spain, most are probably relieved that the U.K. isn’t part of that discussion. Britain was a major net contributor to the EU budget; a significant portion of the funds to help Southern Europe recover would have come from British taxpayers. And that expense wouldn’t have protected the U.K. from the pandemic. Just as the European effects of the 2008 financial crisis ended any serious talk of the U.K.’s adopting the euro, the pandemic undercuts the case for British membership in the EU.

The man from Galilee made this point many years ago: If you don’t want your house to be overwhelmed in the storm, build its foundation on rock, not shifting sand. Leaders who ignored that advice now find themselves struggling as the water rises and the wind howls.

President Trump was preparing to run on “the strongest economy in world history.” The pandemic crushed that argument, and although his base continues to support him, Mr. Trump is struggling to reinvent his re-election campaign. President Vladimir Putin’s core message for 2020 was that a stable and respected Russia was becoming more secure economically. A referendum scheduled for this month would have sealed his grip on power. But thanks to the pandemic and the resulting oil price implosion, the referendum has been postponed, and Mr. Putin must find a new message.

For Bibi and Boris, the pandemic reinforced the arguments they have been making to the public. In Mr. Netanyahu’s case, his response to the pandemic enabled him to split the opposition, postpone his trial on corruption charges, and continue his reign as Israel’s longest-serving and most effective prime minister since David Ben-Gurion. His core message is that in a dangerous world Israel needs a decisive prime minister and government with a real majority, and that the opposition, whose fissures are becoming deeper, is incapable of providing it. Mr. Netanyahu must survive a ruling by Israel’s Supreme Court about whether a person under indictment can serve as prime minister, but the strength of his new Knesset majority shifts the odds in his favor.

In Mr. Johnson’s case, the pandemic has, in the minds of many Britons, demonstrated the power of the ideas he ran on last year in the general election. The first was that the shambolic chaos of a House of Commons without a majority was untenable. With the greatest challenge since World War II breaking over their heads, most Britons prefer to leave their health and livelihoods in the hands of a Parliament that can actually govern.

Mr. Johnson’s second argument looks equally valid from the perspective of Covid-19: Jeremy Corbyn, the former Labour Party leader, was unthinkable as prime minister. There are likely very few people in Britain now who wish Mr. Corbyn had won the 2016 election or forced a coalition government on the country. Much of the U.K. is glad Mr. Johnson called the December 2019 election, and glad he won decisively.

Beyond that, Britons are witnessing some of the positives of Mr. Johnson getting them out of the European Union. As the British read headlines about trillion-euro bailouts for countries like Italy and Spain, most are probably relieved that the U.K. isn’t part of that discussion. Britain was a major net contributor to the EU budget; a significant portion of the funds to help Southern Europe recover would have come from British taxpayers. And that expense wouldn’t have protected the U.K. from the pandemic. Just as the European effects of the 2008 financial crisis ended any serious talk of the U.K.’s adopting the euro, the pandemic undercuts the case for British membership in the EU.

The man from Galilee made this point many years ago: If you don’t want your house to be overwhelmed in the storm, build its foundation on rock, not shifting sand. Leaders who ignored that advice now find themselves struggling as the water rises and the wind howls.