Tehran’s Trump trepidation : Ruthie Blum

http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=18521

Speaking to governors at the White House on Monday, U.S. President Donald Trump announced a ‎sharp increase in the military budget. According to some assessments, the allocation in question could ‎reach wartime levels.‎

If so, rightly so.‎

Americans may not feel it on a day-to-day basis, but their country is the target of global jihadists, some ‎of whom have been committing small-scale killing sprees on U.S. soil, while others are training in the ‎Middle East and honing their skills to execute operations on a grander, more 9/11-type scale.‎

Still, although Trump, like many other leaders and lay people, seems to consider the group Islamic State ‎to be the world’s bogey man, as al-Qaida used to be viewed, the greater danger is posed by the ‎regime in Tehran and its proxies. ‎

For one thing, unlike the Sunni rogues who like to decapitate people on YouTube, Shiite Iran is an ‎actual country with all that this entails, including a place at the proverbial and literal table. What should ‎have been its lowly station in the overall hierarchy of things was lifted to great prominence when the ‎Obama administration and five other governments — those of Britain, France, Russia, China and ‎Germany — groveled before its leaders, begging them to agree to a deal to retard their race to a ‎nuclear weapon.‎

The disastrous end result of this mass genuflection was the acceleration of Iran’s nuclear program ‎through the infusion of billions of dollars into its coffers. Even more unfathomable was what the ‎ultimate agreement — called, oddly, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action — included: a clause ‎handing over the responsibility for monitoring activity at Iran’s nuclear facilities to members of its ‎parliament. It would be funny if it weren’t so horrifying. Indeed, the Iranian regime was chuckling, ‎while Israel and others in the West who opposed the JCPOA winced and braced for fallout.‎

When Trump won the U.S. presidential election in November, however, the ayatollahs suddenly ‎stopped laughing. Touted by all Democrats and many Republicans as crazy, unpredictable and a loose ‎cannon, the real estate mogul and reality TV star who took to Twitter and other platforms to bash his ‎detractors made Tehran extremely nervous. The shift from a White House and State Department ‎characterized by appeasement to America’s enemies — refusing even to name them as Islamists — to ‎an administration headed by someone who declared that it would be necessary to perform extreme ‎vetting of Muslims entering the United States could not have been sharper.‎

In the lead-up to and since Trump’s inauguration on January 20, Iranian officialdom has been ‎scrambling to figure out the best strategy for dealing with the new leader of the free world — one ‎about whom many Americans continue to say he cannot be trusted with his finger on the nuclear ‎button, due to his volatility and personal petulance.‎

Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, for example, was used to belittling then-U.S. Secretary of State ‎John Kerry with utter impunity during nuclear negotiations. Today, he and his fellow honchos have ‎good reason to fear that under Trump and top diplomat Rex Tillerson, such behavior will not fly. What they must now be fretting ‎over is the possibility that it is they who will be kneeling down before an American official and not the ‎other way around.‎

According to the concept of “marit ayin” in Jewish law, certain permissible actions are prohibited ‎when engaging in them might cause observers to mistake them for violations. The same principle — in ‎reverse — is now going on between Tehran and Washington.‎

It is sufficient for Trump at this point to be perceived as someone capable of bombing Iran on a whim ‎to make the ayatollahs wary. Ironically, it is his enemies at home who have been persuading the ‎powers-that-be in Iran that they have something concrete to worry about. No wonder they have been ‎alternately saber-rattling and toning down their rhetoric, depending on the day and New York Times ‎headline. Indeed, they seem unable to make up their minds which tactic will serve them in safer stead.‎

Former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad went so far as to pen a letter to Trump on Sunday, ‎urging him to make good on his promise to overhaul America’s “corrupt” political system. In flowery ‎language, Ahmadinejad — who spent his terms in office threatening to wipe Israel off the map and ‎calling the U.S. the “Great Satan” — tried to appeal to Trump on their ostensible shared interests and ‎values. Now there’s a hoot.‎

What both men surely know is that among the countless differences between them, one that stands ‎out is that the previous Iranian puppet manipulated by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is a has-been ‎who’s lucky he wasn’t sentenced to death, while Trump is just getting started — by increasing the ‎defense budget.‎

For this alone, his election will have been worth it. ‎

Ruthie Blum is the managing editor of The Algemeiner.‎

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