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April 2018

What has Mueller wrought? By Steve Grammatico

Do the Grand Inquisitor and his leftist cheerleaders understand what they’re sowing?

When Watergate blew up and Richard Nixon resigned the presidency in 1974, the U.S. dodged a bullet. Because honorable Republicans like Howard Baker and Elliot Richardson put country above party, Nixon saw the light, and the U.S. was spared the trauma of almost certain impeachment by the full House and conviction by the Senate. A presidency ended unnaturally without the institution of the presidency suffering damage.

Had Nixon hung tough and taken his chances in the dock, no one could have predicted the domestic and international consequences of an American administration paralyzed, adrift, and leaderless. The only certainty: Our adversaries would seize the moment to challenge us.

Almost forty-five years later, bitter and dishonorable people are waging a campaign to remove, by any means necessary, a president not credibly accused of anything warranting impeachment. Mueller, the Grand Inquisitor, is hip deep in garbage, hoping to find something nasty and smelly to take down his target. If honorable Democrats exist, none (as far as I know) has stepped up and said, “Wait. Are we sure it’s in the country’s best interest to cheer Mueller on and hope he finds a reason to decapitate the administration?”

Unlike the principals in Watergate who calmed the country, the cabal working to prosecute and delegitimize Trump appears unconcerned by the poison it’s injected into the body politic. Its members are oblivious to the damage being done to our institutions as they wage their jihad. Or maybe Trump-hatred is so blinding that they don’t care about setting a dangerous precedent for opposition to future administrations.

In the here and now, the danger is real. Trump’s ankle-biters seem unaware the world is watching the circus in Washington. Bad actors like Iran, Russia, and China see the president besieged and wonder if now is the time, while he’s distracted, to try for some advantage. Kim Jong-un may calculate that it is not in his interest to deal with a president whose clout is diminishing by the day.

Democrats Unfriend Facebook Zuckerberg takes a beating for sins that the Obama Administration overlooked.

Members of Congress took turns lashing Mark Zuckerberg this week for Facebook ’s myriad screw-ups. The CEO showed contrition, but his apologia has raised important questions about the government’s failures.

Democrats who were once enthralled with Silicon Valley fell out of love with Facebook following reports that Russian trolls used its platform to promulgate fake news and ads to support Donald Trump in 2016. Then came news that a political firm linked to the Trump campaign may have misappropriated data on 270,000 users and their 87 million friends collected by a third-party app.

Mr. Zuckerberg’s defense? Facebook was too “trusting.” After the Guardian newspaper reported in 2015 that a Cambridge University researcher had shared data from his personality-quiz app with the political firm Cambridge Analytica , Facebook asked Cambridge Analytica to delete the data. Cambridge Analytica said it had, and Facebook accepted its word.

The incident demonstrated that Facebook’s privacy protections were flimsier than it claimed. In 2011 Facebook settled charges with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) over mishandling user data, and Facebook agreed to establish stronger privacy protections and obtain periodic third-party audits. But Facebook has now disclosed that tens of thousands of apps may have obtained data on users and their friends beyond what they needed to operate.

This seems to violate the FTC’s consent decree, as Connecticut Senator Richard Blumenthal noted. Mr. Zuckerberg waffled in reply that “it certainly appears that we should have been aware that [the researcher] submitted a term that was in conflict with the rules of the platform.” But he said the third-party audits didn’t turn up problems.

The FTC is now investigating Facebook’s privacy controls, but a few questions: Why didn’t the commission ensure years ago that Facebook had established policies to prevent third-party apps from repurposing data? Was the agency too trusting? The Obama campaign app in 2012 exploited data from users and their friends. This may also have violated the FTC consent decree, especially if it shared the data with other liberal groups. Did political considerations influence the FTC’s lax oversight?

These are important questions since Democrats are pressing for more stringent privacy regulations, which Mr. Zuckerberg said he’s open to. But regulation typically benefits incumbents like Facebook that can afford to spend more on compliance while tripping up small competitors. Before establishing new regulations, the FTC should ensure that tech companies abide by their own policies.

Mr. Zuckerberg was also keelhauled for letting Russians exploit the platform in 2016. Facebook has since identified 470 pages and accounts linked to the Russian-controlled Internet Research Agency, which generated at least 200,000 pieces of content over two years. The Russian outfit also bought 3,000 ads on Facebook and Instagram.

The spread of fake news was partly due to Mr. Zuckerberg’s refusal to exercise editorial control over content or pay for quality news. Employing people to sift out junk is expensive, though the increased regulation that may come if he doesn’t also isn’t cheap.

But Facebook can’t be held entirely responsible for Russia’s interference. Only the Justice Department can see across media channels and has the power to investigate election fraud, as special counsel Robert Mueller’s indictment of 13 Russians in February showed.

The Russians began organizing in 2013 and stole American identities. “Beginning in or around June 2014, and continuing into June 2015, public reporting began to identify operations conducted by the [IRA] in the United States,” the indictment says. The Russian operatives also created fake accounts on Twitter and YouTube. Yet the Obama Administration waited until December 2016 to slap sanctions on Russians for hacking Democratic National Committee emails. It doesn’t appear that social- media interference was ever a priority.

While Facebook has endorsed legislation that would require more disclosure for buyers of political ads, the regulatory burden could make it harder for small companies and blogs to sell ads. This could drive more political advertising to Facebook. And it’s unclear how the legislation would prevent identity fraud.

Democrats are bitter that President Trump won the election and are using Facebook as a scapegoat. Facebook is hardly blameless, but neither is the Obama Administration.

The Zuckerberg Collusion Was it Facebook’s job to tell voters Russian bots were working for Trump’s election? Daniel Henninger

Somehow in our time all the problems of human existence have boiled down to one cause: Russian collusion.

What is the main reason Mark Zuckerberg was hauled in front of three committees of Congress? It is because the media connected a long series of dots to suggest the possibility that Russian bots exploited the personal Facebook data obtained by a firm named Cambridge Analytica to . . . put Donald Trump in the White House. Without the link to collusion—an infinitely elastic phrase with no legal meaning—Mr. Zuckerberg never would have had to leave Menlo Park.

The live Zuckerberg testimony was torture, forcing anyone interested to hear innumerable senators and House members share their thoughts on technology. Lowering the bar on Senate discourse below swamp level, Louisiana Republican John Kennedy said the Facebook user agreement “sucks.”

Despite the legislators’ thunderings about regulation, the likelihood of the House and Senate enacting rules for the web is more remote than Halley’s Comet, due back in 43 years. Congress has failed for years to bring royalty payments for creators of music into the digital age. CONTINUE AT SITE

A Plan for Europe’s Great Unwinding Mario Draghi has less than two years to devise an exit strategy from today’s extraordinary monetary policy. By Richard Barwell and Arnaud-Guilhem Lamy

The economic crisis in Europe is finally fading, and Mario Draghi and his colleagues at the European Central Bank can breathe a sigh of relief. Their strategy of negative interest rates and asset purchases is paying dividends. But now the recovery brings fresh headaches for Mr. Draghi. It will soon be time to start the complex task of unwinding the extraordinary and unconventional monetary stimulus that has resuscitated the economy.

The immediate problem facing Mr. Draghi is how to phase out the ECB’s asset-purchase program, known as quantitative easing or QE, and then gradually return interest rates to more normal levels. And that is only the beginning.

The ECB’s balance sheet has doubled in size over the past three years. This is partly as a result of QE. But it is also reflects the €750 billion of cheap fixed-rate, long-term funding that the ECB has lent to banks. In some respects those loans, known as TLTROs, are an indirect form of QE, with the ECB lending the banks cash and the banks buying bonds. Either way the ECB is printing money and its balance sheet is increasing. That balance sheet will eventually have to shrink back to more normal levels.

That will take years. Adding to the complexity, Mr. Draghi’s term as president ends in October 2019. He needs to devise an exit strategy from current ECB policies knowing that he won’t be in charge for much of this process. Although he’ll be keen to signal to investors what to expect from the ECB in the years ahead, there’s no point promising a gradual monetary exit if investors believe his successor will pick up the pace.

Preventing the Next Global Health Disaster By Alex Azar

Alex Azar is the U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services nominated by President Trump.

Each year in April, the World Health Organization celebrates World Health Day, an opportunity to raise awareness of global health issues. This year, it is also a chance to observe the centennial of the deadliest global health disaster of the 20th century—and the deadliest event of the century, period.

One hundred years ago, on March 11, 1918, at Camp Funston, Kansas, a U.S. Army cook by the name of Albert Gitchell fell ill as he and his fellow soldiers prepared to go to war in Europe. He thought he had a bad cold. Soon after, Corporal Lee Drake went to the infirmary showing the same symptoms. By that afternoon over a hundred others joined them, and eventually, this influenza virus would circle the globe.

Over the next two years, the 1918 influenza pandemic, also known as the Spanish flu, infected nearly a third of the global population, killing more than 50 million people worldwide. At the time, the United States and the world were ill-prepared to combat a pandemic. Influenza viruses had not yet been discovered, there were no vaccines to prevent infection and no medicines to treat it, and the field of public health was in its infancy.

Today, influenza pandemics remain one of our top infectious disease threats. We have a growing set of increasingly advanced tools to detect the emergence of a new strain of influenza virus domestically and abroad, but much work remains to be done.

When it comes to the threat of pandemic flu, as well as other infectious threats, preparedness cannot be confined within borders. The world must work together to focus on the prevention and mitigation of pandemics that pay no mind to borders, and focus the work of institutions like the World Health Organization (WHO) on that threat.

Hamas attacks Israel – and the world condemns Israel By Lawrence J. Haas

The world “should wait for our great move,” said a top Hamas leader, speaking to Palestinian protestors during violent clashes with Israeli forces along the Gaza border, “when we breach the borders and pray at al Aqsa.”

With hundreds around him chanting, “We are going to Jerusalem, millions of martyrs,” and with 20,000 Palestinians protesting along the border – some burning tires, others throwing Molotov cocktails and rocks – Yahya Sinwar declared during April protests that Hamas was “following in the path of martyr Yasser Arafat in resisting the enemy” and “if we explode we will explode in [Israel’s] face.”

That Sinwar and other Hamas leaders made clear that their “March of Return” is only the latest tactic in their efforts to destroy Israel, however, hasn’t convinced much of the global community, the West, or the media to abandon its comfortable narrative – of a peace-loving Palestinian people in Gaza, driven to violence by an iron-fisted Israel.

Such is life as the world’s only Jewish state – with Hamas and other terrorist groups across its border in Gaza; with the more dangerous Hezbollah across its northern border in Lebanon; with terrorists roaming the Sinai; and with Hezbollah and Shi’a militias implanted amid the chaos of Syria.

However carefully it responds to violent efforts to breach its borders and attack its people, Israel finds itself falsely portrayed, second-guessed, and ultimately condemned. Thus, the current turmoil along Israel’s border with Gaza is playing out along predictable lines in the court of public opinion.